Casey-Leininger Charles F.
Avondale is a neighborhood of the city of Cincinnati located northeast of the city's central business district. The 2010 US Census reported that Avondale had a population of 12,466 of which 89 percent identified as African American only, 7 percent identified as white only, and the remainder reported some other race or combination of races. Between about 1945 and 1965 the neighborhood was the scene of a massive population shift that saw its middle- and upper middle-class white population replaced by middle- and lower-income African Americans. During this period the neighborhood also became an important center of the city's African American cultural and political life.
Today Avondale is one of the poorest and most distressed neighborhoods in the city. Its poverty rate, calculated from the US Census Bureau's 2005–2009 American Community Survey ACS was 37 5 percent and 44 percent of its working age population had no employment In ...
Imaani Jamillah El-Burki
Black Los Angeles: American Dreams and Racial Realities is an anthology edited by Darnell Hunt and Ana-Christina Ramon providing a multifaceted analysis of neighborhoods of metropolitan Los Angeles that are either currently or historically predominantly black. The contributions selected by the editors highlight the rich history of accomplishment and survival in Los Angeles's community of color as it continuously confronts challenges to the geographical space of the community; shifts in local and national policy; the changing dynamics around race, social class, gender, and sexual identity; shifts in the opportunity structure for residents; and the realities of environmental and economic risk. The volume is organized into four parts: Space, People, Image, and Action It begins with a look at the historical foundations of the black community of Los Angeles and ends with a more contemporary question of now what for readers via series of action research chapters ...
Leaving North Carolina was not an easy decision in any era for black migrants. Migration was about leaving family, friends, the farm, church—everything familiar. North Carolina was not a major slaveholding state. While cotton states to the South featured large plantations, the Central Piedmont of North Carolina, where tobacco was the main crop, did not. In 1860 nearly 70 percent of the slaveholding families owned fewer than ten slaves, and 67 percent of white families held no slaves at all. Small farmers were the largest single class of whites in the state and, when necessary, they hired free blacks. Only Maryland and Virginia had larger free black populations. North Carolina free blacks, unlike those in other states, could own property and transfer land in their wills.
Free blacks were discouraged from owning slaves Black slave ownership was considered dangerous because it challenged the legitimacy of the slave system In any ...
Eric R. Jackson
By the 1970s Bond Hill had become the destination for thousands of local African American residents. Just like their non–African American counterparts, persons of color moved to this region, which was located just a thirty-minute drive from downtown Cincinnati, Ohio (also known as the “Queen City”), in a quest for better jobs and a higher quality of life. This process was not easy or simple. It required, in some ways, a dramatic transformation in migration patterns and racial attitudes, as well as both the economic and residential patterns of the community. Nonetheless this conversion took place and was championed by thousands of African American Cincinnatians. But during the 1930s this change would have not been predicated so soon after the establishment of Bond Hill as a community entity.
Gradually between the late 1930s and the late 1950s thousands of Cincinnatians began to move into regions outside the central city business ...
City in the south‐west of England whose importance to black history is firmly established by its long‐term involvement in the transatlantic slave economy, by its subsequent links to the North American anti‐slavery movement, and by the developments affecting its relatively small black population since the 1960s.
Debra C. Smith
Like the story of many southern cities, Charlotte, North Carolina has endured its portion of racial inequity, civil rights activism, and violent acts surrounding segregation efforts, But Charlotte, the Queen City, the largest city in North Carolina has been and remains an alcove for African American experience steeped in memory and now modern familiarity. Charlotte is a source of progress and pride for African Americans in the city who lean on historical strength to continue to develop political power, economic resources, and educational aspirations.
As with other aspects of British society, black people have had a long and sometimes difficult and contentious relationship with the criminal justice system.
Adelaide M. Cromwell
educator and scholar, was born in Washington, D.C., the first child of John Wesley Cromwell and Lucy McGuinn Cromwell. Her father was a lawyer, editor of the People's Advocate, and for most of his life a teacher and principal in the district public schools. Her mother died when she was twelve, leaving this eldest of six children with a responsibility for their welfare that she would exercise for the rest of her life. Cromwell received her education in the public schools of Washington, D.C., including the M Street High School, predecessor of the well-known Dunbar High School. After graduating from the Miner Normal School in Washington, she taught for six years in the public schools before entering Smith College in Northampton, Massachusetts. When she completed her degree in 1900 she became the college's first African American graduate.
Upon returning to the district, Cromwell once again taught in ...
Ethnicity and race have been less troubling military questions for the United States than for nations where ethnic and racial competition, political power struggles, or caste systems have had a military dimension. Nonetheless, both factors have created military dilemmas for Americans from the earliest colonial settlements. Before the Revolutionary War, many white colonists, who considered blacks biologically and culturally inferior and poor material for soldiers, were also afraid of arming slaves and free blacks and of losing their labor services. Sometimes blacks were excluded from the colonial militias, particularly in the South, but military need could overshadow racial fear, such as during the French and Indian War. Some slaves were even granted their freedom for wartime military service.
Ethnocentrism suspicion of loyalties and loss of labor also militated against the military use of some non English immigrants but the need for frontier defense in the eighteenth century contributed to the ...
While there is a growing African presence among Britain's black communities, sociological research on black families in Britain has tended to concentrate on families of Caribbean origin, and this is the focus of this entry.